GENETIC JOYCE STUDIES - Issue 8 (Spring 2008)
Proof^finder:
Page Proofs
Introduction [skip]
by
Ronan Crowley
In November 1920 Joyce wrote to John Quinn, who was then involved in
talks with Huebsch about the possibility of a New York publication of Ulysses. After receiving word of the Little Review trial and Huebsch’s
subsequent pusillanimity, Joyce went on to withdraw Ulysses “by cable an hour after receipt” of a letter from Harriet
Shaw Weaver (LIII: 40), but while the negotiations were underway, he had
written to Quinn specifying the conditions of any possible New York printing.
I must stipulate to have three sendings of proofs
(preferably a widemargined one must be pulled), namely:
(1) A
galley-page proof of all the book up to and including Circe.
(2) A
similar proof of the three chapters of the Nostos.
(3) A
complete proof of the book in page form (LIII: 30–31).
Clearly, this is actually a request for only two “sendings of
proofs”: a galley proof of the whole book and page proofs of the whole book.
The earliest pulls of the second sending of proofs, the Ulysses page proofs now located at the University at Buffalo, are
dated 27 June (JJA 22.005). Unlike
the earlier sending, the galleys or épreuves
en placard, the page proofs are in 8’s––that is, each consists
of eight unsewn leaves or sixteen pages––with the first and eighth,
second and seventh, third and sixth, fourth and fifth leaves being conjugate
(i.e. attached to one another). Each leaf measures approx. 235 x 185 mm. But
like their placard counterparts, a
page proof is a pull taken from composed type used for making corrections––in
the latter case, however, just before final printing. The page proofs also
differ to placards in that the text
has been split into pages (with headlines, page numbers, printing on both sides
etc.) and the typeset material is arranged into the correct page formats for
printing. Unless typographical innovations such as the “Aeolus” headlines or
the “Circe” speakers’ names intervene, the page proofs are a uniform
thirty-seven lines long on a full page.
Copies
of the first edition are regularly described as quarto (those that continue to
appear at auction, for example, are so listed) but this is only a reference to
the size of the finished book. In terms of its constituent binding, the 1922 is
an octavo or octavo in eights. That is, each of its sections or gatherings
comprises eight leaves/sixteen pages. After page make-up a trial impression of
pages, collated into gatherings, was pulled. Large sheets of
paper––Holland handmade for the 1/100 Ulysses; linen for the 1/750; and vergé d’Arches for the slightly
larger 1/150 state––were printed on both sides, and then folded
three times to make eight leaves or a sixteen-page gathering. A run of such
gatherings, pending Joyce’s corrections and additions, was to be stitched
together through their inner margins to make the completed volume.1 For Ulysses’ 732 pages forty-six gatherings were required: somewhat more than
the thirty-seven figured in the printer’s castoff––i.e. in the
initial typographic estimate to work out the space copy would require.2 Such an underestimation (155
pages short) goes some way to substantiating the familiar claim that Ulysses “grew by one third in proof”
(JJII: 513).
The imposition of an octavo gathering is reproduced below.
Two formes were required for each gathering: one of eight pages for the front
of the sheet, a second of eight for the reverse.3

To
distinguish clearly the order of the gatherings for the binders, Darantiere followed
standard practice and appended a ‘signature’ to all but the first section.
These identifying numbers appear on the bottom right corner of each first page
of a section. Ulysses was distributed
both unopened––that is, the folds remaining on the top and
fore-edges of the gatherings were not cut by the printer––and
uncut––that is, the volume was not trimmed down from its original
dimensions. Thus the signatures are visible in any uncut copy of the 1922 Ulysses (should the reader have one to
hand) or in two of the three reproductions.4
As with the placards,
the printers had to pull the Ulysses page
proofs several times. Each setting or version of a gathering was pulled in
triplicate, with the number of versions set ranging from five (in the case of Gatherings 11, containing “Lestrygonians”, and 19, containing “Cyclops”) to a single version (most
noticeably towards the close of the book as Joyce’s
self-imposed deadline loomed). Most of the final settings of a gathering are
signed by Joyce, countersigned by Beach, and have a variant on the formula “bon à tirer avec les corrections indiquées”
appended to them, a form of signoff that Darantiere repeatedly insisted on in
his letters to Beach (literally “good enough to be pulled with the indicated
corrections”).5 Unlike placards, the various settings of which chart the growth of an
eight-page block of text, the different versions of a page proof preserve a
bibliographical feature of the first edition––each gathering
corresponds to a specific sixteen pages of the book. The pagination of the
forty-six gatherings is reproduced below. As an indication of the extent to
which the text was yet to expand, one might compare the pagination of any
particular gathering with the actual portion of the 1922 edition’s text
recorded on its individual settings (provided as the first column in the page
proof-finder). The range can also be calculated by working out the following
simple functions; Gathering X covers
page 16(x – 1) + 1 to page 16x.
|
Gathering # |
pp. |
|
Gathering # |
pp. |
|
Gathering # |
pp. |
|
Gathering # |
pp. |
|
1 |
1–16 |
|
13 |
193–208 |
|
25 |
385–400 |
|
37 |
577–592 |
|
2 |
17–32 |
|
14 |
209–224 |
|
26 |
401–416 |
|
38 |
593–608 |
|
3 |
33–48 |
|
15 |
225–240 |
|
27 |
417–432 |
|
39 |
609–624 |
|
4 |
49–64 |
|
16 |
241–256 |
|
28 |
433–448 |
|
40 |
625–640 |
|
5 |
65–80 |
|
17 |
257–272 |
|
29 |
449–464 |
|
41 |
641–656 |
|
6 |
81–96 |
|
18 |
273–288 |
|
30 |
465–480 |
|
42 |
657–672 |
|
7 |
97–112 |
|
19 |
289–304 |
|
31 |
481–496 |
|
43 |
673–688 |
|
8 |
113–128 |
|
20 |
305–320 |
|
32 |
497–512 |
|
44 |
689–704 |
|
9 |
129–144 |
|
21 |
321–336 |
|
33 |
513–528 |
|
45 |
705–720 |
|
10 |
145–160 |
|
22 |
337–352 |
|
34 |
529–544 |
|
46 |
721–736 |
|
11 |
161–176 |
|
23 |
353–368 |
|
35 |
545–560 |
|
|
|
|
12 |
177–192 |
|
24 |
369–384 |
|
36 |
561–576 |
|
|
|
The
earliest page proofs date to the end of June 1921. As discussed in the introduction to the placards,
the printers pulled two settings of the first five episodes in page proof
before reverting to placards (the
I–XI series). Unlike the placards,
however, none of the page proofs were pulled outside of their narrative
sequence. This conformity, however, belies the confusion wrought by the range
of proofs that the printers were sending at any one time. Around the time the
five “Penelope” placards were first
set in mid-October 1921, for example, Joyce was also receiving and correcting
the fourth setting of Placards 36 and
37––the second half of “Cyclops”––the third setting of
Gatherings 16 and 17––the end of “Wandering Rocks” and the
beginning of “Sirens”––and the second setting of Gatherings 18 and
19––the first half of “Cyclops.” And, of course, he was still
writing “Ithaca.”
Proof fever.
On the first setting of Gathering 8, an “Aeolus”
page proof, pulled in mid-to-late September 1921, Joyce inserted a caret in a
passage of Bloom’s interior monologue. The ubiquitous F caret, as much a
‘symbol for Joyce’ as Constantin Brâncusi’s line drawing, appears between the
lines “Want to be sure of his spelling” and “Martin Cunningham forgot to give
us his spellingbee conundrum this morning” (now U 7.0165–66). A
corresponding correction mark appears in the bottom margin and, in his current
hand, Joyce has made an addition for the compositor: “Proof fever” (JJA 23.010).
This seemingly innocuous addition has been taken as
a shorthand for the entire proofing stage of composition, epitomizing the
principles which governed Joyce’s later work on Ulysses. The source of the phrase appears upstream in one of four Ulysses notebooks now at the National
Library of Ireland, however. NLI 36,639/4 p. [4r], a page headed “Eolus,”
contains the entry “gproof fever.” This notebook was compiled by
early summer 1921, primarily with “Penelope” in mind (and particularly the
draft of the episode now at the National Library of Ireland), and the recording
of the entry, whether it was ‘notesnatched’ or an original coinage, was more
coeval with Joyce’s expectation of
the difficulty of proofing than his actual experience of it.6
As deployed in “Aeolus,” however, the phrase lends a closer textual unity to
the juxtaposition of the “ORTHOGRAPHICAL” headline (U 7.0164) and Bloom’s interior
monologue. It reaffirms the
pronominal back-reference of the sentence “Want to be sure of his spelling” to
the foreman checking the “limp galleypage” (U
7.0161), a cohesion disrupted by the addition of the headline to Joyce’s
galley page, the August first setting of Placard
13.
Bloom’s comment on the foreman also serves to index Joyce’s own
observance (or expected observance) of the minutiae of the text. Not only does “proof fever” denote the
self-reflexive materiality of the text––in that Ulysses is made to comment on its own
methods of production––but the addition also invokes the mania with
which Joyce “work[ed] like a lunatic trying to revise and improve and connect
and continue and create all at the one time” (LI: 173). It seems to look
forward to the illnesses which plagued Joyce at the outset of the proofing
stage and those which threatened him throughout it, from the August collapse in
the theatre (JJII: 518) to the difficulty he had proofreading with his
“wretched eye and a half” (LI: 176).
Such a spiralling arc of reference, encapsulated in a two-word addition,
is a pithy disclosure of Joyce’s later processes of composition.
Provenance of the final marked proofs.
The
final marked proofs are almost all at
Texas (the marked copies of the earlier settings are almost all at Buffalo and
the duplicates of all settings are divided between Buffalo and Princeton). The
final marked proofs are described in the private catalogue of their one-time
owner, Edward W. Titus, as
Complete and final proofs of the first edition of this
stupendous work with the author’s profuse autograph corrections, emendations
and additions exceeding sometimes 160 words on a single page. These important
additions are not found in the manuscript of the work, that had been the
sensation of the memorable Quinn Sale in 1924. Nor do they include mere
corrections and instructions to the printer in the author’s hand, with which
these proofs abound also. This set of proofs made up in book form contains no
less than 50 autograph signatures of James Joyce in his o.k. for press. These
signatures are invariably accompanied by Miss Beach’s, the publisher.7
These
marked final page proofs have been referred to variously as ‘Hanley proofs,’
‘Schwartz proofs’ or ‘Texas proofs.’ The different owners chart the chequered
career the proofs have enjoyed––a career which began with them
wending their way into the possession of Titus, who was an American Left Bank
bookdealer and the publisher of the Black Manikin Press. According to Joyce,
writing from Paris to Weaver on 2 March 1927, the proofs were “taken from the
works at Dijon […] and a dealer here is offering them for sale” (LI: 251).
A Bill of Sale, dated February 28 1927, is extant
which records the sale of the proofs for 6000 francs: Titus bought them from
Ronald Davis, an English bookdealer and proprietor of Livres Anciens et
Modernes at 160 Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honeré. Titus evidently made it known to
Beach that he had acquired the proofs for an exchange of letters between the
two is extant, one which reveals that Beach visited Titus’ shop on 3 March 1927
to confirm the purchase. She maintained that the “said proofs had been disposed
of by the printer” without either hers or Joyce’s permission. Titus denied that
she had made him aware of this fact on her visit: “What you did say was
something totally different, and not very charitable and not very nice.”
Litigation ensued and Joyce, occupied by the legal issues of getting the first
number of transition into print and
the Roth pirating of Ulysses, wrote
wearily to Weaver that “Darantière [sic]
‘gave’ my proofs years ago to a few in his works. There is to be an arbitrage
and so on and more lawyers and so forth” (LI: 157). Rather than proceed to
court, both Beach and Titus decided on arbitration but a split decision of two
French arbitrators is the only record available as to how the contested
ownership was resolved. Suffice to say, Titus retained the proofs, holding onto
them until towards the end of his life. On 8 October 1951 Parke-Bernet
Galleries hosted an auction of his collection in New York, at which the proofs
were bought by one Jacob Schwartz.8
This is
the same Jacob Schwartz––a man whom John Slocum called “an engaging
rascal,” whom Beckett called an “entertaining ruffian”––who had
published the pirated editions of Joyce’s “James Clarence Mangan” and “Ibsen’s
New Drama” in 1930. He fell foul of Beckett’s pen after a period during which
the latter, “totally naïve regarding the value of his own writings”, as William
Brockman relates, was won over by Schwartz and handed over inscribed manuscripts
and editions in exchange for such trivial favours as books and, at one point, a
quantity of tea.9 Schwartz was also implicated
in two generations of Joyce biographies, lending manuscripts and recounting
anecdotes to Herbert Gorman for the 1939 biography (which he dismissed as “more
Bowdler than Boswell”) and providing Ellmann with one version of the story about “keep[ing] the critics busy for
three hundred years” (JJII: 703, 809n50).
A not-entirely disinterested recollection from a man whose letterhead read in
1960: “Dr. Jacob Schwartz, American University Library Agent: Modern Author
Manuscript Collections.” Under this doubtful ægis Schwartz wrote to both Lucia
and Giorgio Joyce in 1965, soliciting letters and Joyceana. With Lucia he
carried on a brief correspondence in July (she thanked him for sending her £1)
until a stern letter from F. Lionel Monro, acting as trustee of the Joyce
Estate, dissuaded him.10 In October he wrote to
Giorgio on behalf of the Joyce Society––or so he
claimed––who
asked me to write to you and inquire if you would
sell any Joyce material––as an entire library room at the
University of New York will be devoted to Joyce and they are anxious to start as
soon as possible to enrich it.. I was instructed to pay up to $100 Per Page for
any letters of Joyce and similiar [sic]
high prices for any other manuscript material.. This is an unheard of liberal
offer and if it appeals to you, please let me hear soon. You will have the
satisfaction of knowing that the material is preserved with reverence and
adoration and future students will be inspired by it.11
Giorgio did not even bother to reply to the letter. Gleeful at having
overreached the “gang of Capitalists” at Yale with his bid of $2,300 in the
final-proofs auction in October ’51, Schwartz then went on to sell them less
than a month later on 9 November to T. Edward Hanley for $4,300.12
The following year Schwartz published, at Hanley’s
suggestion, “a brief pamphlet” reproducing several pages of the proofs, Joyce the Artificer, alongside
commentary by Aldous Huxley, Stuart Gilbert and himself.13
In his foreword, “A Note on the Reproductions,” Schwartz claimed a legitimate
provenance for the proofs, writing that the “head foreman printer was Mr.
Buchwald [sic] who was acquainted
with English […] Joyce eventually presented him with these Proofs, as a token
for his immense toil and concern.” Schwartz mentions briefly Titus’ involvement
but removes both himself and Davis in his account of the documents’ provenance
(the note is authored by a shadowy “J. S.”). In his elliptical account not only
does he misread Joyce’s “bon à tirer”
signoff as the curious, not to mention barbarized, “bon tu est” but his statement that ‘Buchwald’ was head foreman is
also erroneous.14 Darantiere’s foreman was
Maurice Hirchwald, the only printer with a knowledge of English and the
individual who occasionally ‘corrected’ Joyce’s copy.
As well as sending editions and manuscripts of Shaw,
D.H. Lawrence, Joyce and Beckett on approval to Hanley, who made monthly
payments against an ongoing account, Schwartz sold items and letters, in his
capacity as “American University Library Agent,” to university libraries. With
his account with Schwartz amounting to a considerable figure and incomes from
his businesses falling, Hanley decided to sell his collection to Harry Ransom
in 1958. Ransom was acting on behalf of the then one-year-old Harry Ransom
Humanities Research Centre of the University of Texas at Austin. Schwartz’s
hand is again at work, as he had primed Harry Ransom with manuscripts and
letters to fire his interest in Joyce.15
One
might ask why the final proofs were left in the Dijon works in the first place
to be taken by Ronald Davis, the English bookdealer who had sold them on to
Titus. Darantiere’s normal practice was, apparently, to send back marked proofs
with the three copies of their subsequent setting. One might safely presume
this to be standard practice: an author checks the latest proof against the
version he has marked up to ensure that all corrections have been faithfully
carried out. While Joyce does not seem to have bothered to make these
comparisons, allowing instead the latest setting of the text to have authority,
the majority of proofs ended up in Sylvia Beach’s possession regardless. The
proofs which Joyce marked “bon à tirer,”
signed and had Beach countersign, on the other hand, were never returned once
their additions had been set. Perhaps Darantiere feared that Joyce would
continue to augment any proofs that were sent to him. But for whatever reason,
once the additions in the proof marked “bon
à tirer” were set, neither the resultant setting nor the marked proof were
returned to Beach. This leads to the issue of whether or not the Texas
gatherings are truly the final proofs of Ulysses.16
One would expect the last setting of Gathering 15
(the fourth), for example, to comprise the material from the first line of (14
x 16) + 1 = p. 225 to the last of p. 240 of the 1922 edition, i.e. “Wandering
Rocks”––“He checked his tale a moment but broke out in a wheezy
laugh” to “two puckers stripped to their pelts” (U 10.0544–1132). The setting actually concludes with the
words “a purse of fifty sovereigns” (U 10.1134),
the prize contested by Keogh and Bennett. In the 1922 edition, these words
occur on page 241 line 3. Clearly, the setting of additions made to the fourth
version of Gathering 15 shunted these three lines of text onto the subsequent
proof and, indeed, they are found on the third (and final) setting of Gathering
16. While the fifth setting of Gathering 15 may never have been pulled in
proof, and instead was impressed on the linen paper stock and stitched into the
first edition, among the proofs taken from the Dijon works are documents that
Joyce probably never saw.
One such unsent proof is the final version of
Gathering 10. Between 1–4 October 1921 Joyce received a sequence of page
proofs––the third setting of Gatherings 7 to 13 (covering the end
of “Hades” to halfway through “Scylla and Charybdis”). The gatherings
containing the first half of “Lestrygonians”, 9 and 10, were returned and set
by 7 October. A day or so later Joyce sent the following brief
note to Darantiere:
La page 34 bis manqué
Inserez selon dépêche
p. 146
l. 16
apres “seagoose.” et avant “Wonder”
Swans from Anna Liffey ^<come>
swim^ down here sometimes to preen themselves. No accounting for tastes (JJA 23.141).
The marked third setting had already been set. One of the printers
took a single page from the fourth setting and added
Joyce’s additions in by hand (JJA 23.142).
This was then reset as the fifth setting of Gathering 10 (JJA 23.143).17 Joyce saw neither of these documents.
Using the page proofs-finder.
The following table prioritizes the page proofs as material documents and arranges them according to their
placement in the Archive. Where the
designation (and listing) departs from the Archive––and
uses instead the corrections in Michael Groden
(comp.), James Joyce’s Manuscripts: An
Index (New York; London: Garland, 1980) or in Hans Walter Gabler’s
“Proofreading” table in James Joyce, Ulysses: A Critical and Synoptic Edition. Eds. Hans Walter Gabler et al. Vol. 3. (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1984), pp.
1913–15, or those made by the present
editors––such proofs have been identified with footnotes in the
gathering column. Individual documents are denoted by ‘PP’ followed by their
Darantiere numeration and the setting number. To distinguish page proofs from placards, the setting is demarcated
with an Arabic numeral. The entire range of each page proof is recorded
below––both in terms of text covered (using Gabler’s line numbers)
and Archive pagination. Click on the
episode-specific line numbers to go to an individual page proof’s position in
the episode-by-episode listing of all proofs. Information regarding when Joyce
used a particular page proof can also be accessed from there.
Notes for the introduction.
1. For
a helpful discussion of material textuality in general and book-binding in
particular, see D. C. Greetham, Textual
Scholarship: An Introduction (New York; London: Garland, 1994).
2. Buffalo
XIV.3: Maurice Darantiere to Sylvia Beach; 18 April 1921. T. l. s.: 1l.
3. The
image is based on one from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Imposition.
Accessed 11 September 2007.
4. For
the signature numbers see the facsimile editions James Joyce, Ulysses (Washington: Orchises Press,
1998), a facsimile of Roger Lathbury’s copy No. 784, or James Joyce, Ulysses (Connecticut: First Edition
Library, 1992), a beautiful facsimile of copy No. 257. The third reproduction,
James Joyce, Ulysses, Jeri Johnson,
ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), a reprint of copy No. 785, removes
the signature numbers (one of the few modifications made for the reproduction).
5. Jean-Michel
Rabaté, “‘Thank Maurice’: A Note about Maurice Darantiere,” JSA 2
(1991), p. 245.
6. See Luca Crispi’s forthcoming catalogue of the National Library of Ireland’s Joyce Papers for details of the Ulysses notebooks’ dates of compilation. Page [4r] of NLI 36,639/4 also contains the note sources of several of the “Aeolus” headlines.
7. Private
catalogue of Edward W. Titus in John Slocum and Herbert Cahoon, A Bibliography of James Joyce,
1882–1941 (London: Rupert Hart–Davis,
1953), p. 142.
8. Richard Watson, “The Provenance of the Final Corrected Page Proofs of James Joyce’s Ulysses,” JSA 2 (1991), pp. 253–54. Letters between Sylvia Beach and Edward Titus are quoted in ibid.
9. William
S. Brockman, “Jacob Schwartz––‘The Fly in the Honey,’” JSA 9 (1998), pp. 174, 179,
181–85.
10. Ibid. Watson, p. 256.
11. The
unpublished letter from Jacob Schwartz to Giorgio Joyce, dated 30 October 1965,
is at the Zurich James Joyce Foundation. It is unlikely that Schwartz would
have any connection with the James Joyce Society (if that is the body meant in
his letter) considering that his old rival John Slocum was its first president.
12. Schwartz
cited in Brockman, p. 185.
13. Hanley
cited in Watson, p. 256.
14. Jacob Schwartz, “A Note on the Reproductions,” Joyce The Artificer (Great Britain: Chiswick Press, 1952), p. [9]. Alongside proofs of Tales Told of Shem and Shaun the pamphlet reproduces a page from both the “Eumaeus” (JJA 27.126) and “Penelope” (JJA 27.245) page proofs.
15. Brockman,
pp. 180, 182.
16. Joyce
frequently countermanded his own “bon à
tirer” by sending another marked copy of the same setting or instructions
by letter to the printer.
17. The
Archive bundles both of these single
pages in with the third version of Gathering 10.
|
Text 1986; 1922 |
Gathering |
CSE Level |
JJA |
Marked Copies |
Duplicates |
|
1.0001–0516; [001].01–017.04 |
2 |
22.002–018 |
Buffalo |
1 Buffalo |
|
|
1.0001–0512; [001].01–016.37 (1) |
PP 1.2.b |
3 |
22.019–034 22.035–048 |
Buffalo Buffalo |
1 Buffalo |
|
1.0001–0512; [001].01–016.37 |
5 |
22.049–064 |
Texas |
|
|
|
017.04–030.01 |
2
& 2 |
22.066–082 |
Buffalo |
2 Buffalo |
|
|
017.01–030.01 |
3
& 3 |
22.083–098 |
Buffalo |
2 Buffalo |
|
|
017.01–032.37 |
5
& 5 |
22.099–114 |
Texas |
2 Buffalo |
|
|
030.02–047.06 |
2
& 2 |
22.117–132 |
Buffalo |
|
|
|
030.02–046.28 |
3
& 3 |
22.133–148 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
033.01–048.37 |
5
& 5 |
22.149–164 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
047.06–063.24 |
2
& 2 |
22.167–182 |
Buffalo |
1
Buffalo |
|
|
046.29–062.37 |
3
& 3 |
22.183–198 22.199–214 (2) |
Buffalo Buffalo |
1
Buffalo |
|
|
049.01–064.35 |
5
& 5 |
22.215–230 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
063.25–079.12 |
2
& 2 |
22.232–248
|
Buffalo |
1
Buffalo |
|
|
063.01–076.12 (3) |
3
& 3 |
22.249–264
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
065.01–081.14 |
5
& 5 |
22.265–280 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo (4) |
|
|
065.01–081.01 (5) |
6
& 6 |
22.281–312 (6) |
Texas |
|
|
|
Text 1986; 1922 |
Gathering |
CSE Level |
JJA |
Marked Copies |
Duplicates |
|
081.01–092.32 (7) |
5
& 3 |
22.315–330
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
081.01–097.03 |
6
& 4 |
22.331–346
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
081.01–097.01 |
7&
5 |
22.347–362 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
081.01–096.37 |
8
& 6 |
22.363–378 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
097.04–112.22 |
4
& 4 |
22.381–396 & 23.002 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
097.02–112.22 |
5
& 5 |
22.397–412 & 23.003 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
097.01–112.22
|
6
& 6 |
22.413–428 & 23.004 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
7.0026–0591; 113.01–129.23 |
4 |
23.007–022 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
7.0026–0581; 113.01–129.14 |
5 |
23.023–038
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
7.0026–0567; 113.01–128.32 |
6 |
23.039–054
|
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
129.24–144.25 |
4
& 3 |
23.057–072 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
129.15–144.25 |
5
& 4 |
23.073–088 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
129.01–144.26 |
6
& 5 |
23.089–104
|
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
8.0027–0653; 144.26–161.13 |
3 |
23.107–122 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
8.0027–0650; 144.26–161.10 |
4 |
23.123–138
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
8.0028–0639; 145.01–160.37 |
5 |
23.139–140,
145–158 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
8.0079–0081;
146.16–17 |
PP 10.3+ (8) |
6 |
23.141 |
Texas |
|
|
8.0064–0102;
146.01–147.01 |
PP 10.4 (9) |
6 |
23.142 |
Texas |
|
|
8.0064–0101; 146.01–146.36 |
PP 10.5 (10) |
7 |
23.143 |
Texas |
|
|
161.14–178.05 |
3
& 3 |
23.161–176 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
161.11–178.05 |
4
& 4 |
23.177–192
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
161.01–176.25 |
5
& 5 |
23.193–208
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
161.01–176.25 |
|
6
& 6 |
23.209–224 |
Yale |
2
Buffalo |
|
161.01–176.25 |
7
& 7 |
23.225–240
|
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
Text 1986; 1922 |
Gathering |
CSE Level |
JJA |
Marked Copies |
Duplicates |
|
9.0065–0662; 178.06–194.08 |
PP 12.1 (11) |
23.259–274 |
Not
available (12) |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
9.0065–0662; 178.06–194.08 |
PP 12.2 (13) |
4 |
23.243–258 |
Buffalo |
2 Buffalo |
|
9.0027–0616; 177.01–192.37 |
PP 12.3 (14) |
5 |
23.275–290 |
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
9.0027–0616; 177.01–192.37 |
PP 12.4 (15) |
6 |
23.291–302,
305–308 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
9.0439–0440; 188.10–188.11 |
PP 12.4+ (16) |
6 |
23.303 |
Texas |
|
|
9.0663–1225; 194.09–209.32 |
3 |
23.311–326
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
9.0663–1225; 194.09–209.32 |
4 |
23.327–342
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
9.0616–1192; 193.01–208.34 |
5 |
23.343–358
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
9.0616–1192; 193.01–208.34 |
6 |
23.359–362,
365–376 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
9.0726; 196.02 |
PP 13.4+ (17) |
6 |
23.363 |
Texas |
|
|
10.0001–0598; 210.01–226.14 |
3 |
24.003–018
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
10.0001–0598; 210.01–226.14 |
4 |
24.019–034
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
209.01–225.01
|
5
& 5 |
23.379
& 24.035–050
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
209.01–224.37 |
6
& 6 |
23.380
& 24.051–066 |
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
10.0601–1198; 226.17–242.25 |
3 |
24.069–084
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
10.0601–1198; 226.17–242.25 |
4 |
24.085–100
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
10.0545–1135; 225.02–241.03 |
5 |
24.101–116
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
10.0544–1135; 225.01–241.03 |
6 |
24.117–132
|
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
241.03–256.37 |
5
& 3 |
24.135–150
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
241.03–256.37 |
6
& 4 |
24.151–166
|
Buffalo |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
241.01–256.37 |
7
& 5 |
24.167–182
|
Texas |
2
Buffalo |
|
|
11.0448–1058; 257.01–273.05 (18) |
3 |
24.185–200
& |
Buffalo & Rosenbach (19) |
2
Princeton 1
Buffalo (20) |
|
|
11.0448–1057; 257.01–273.04 |
4 |
24.201–216
|
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
11.0448–1053; 257.01–272.37 |
5 |
24.217–232
|
Texas |
1
Princeton |
|
|
273.06–289.20 |
3
& 4 |
24.235–250
& 25.002–010 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
273.01–289.20 |
4
& 5 |
24.251–266
& 25.012–020 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
273.01–289.05 |
5
& 7 |
24.267–282
& 25.022–030 |
Texas |
1
Princeton |
|
|
Text 1986; 1922 |
Gathering |
CSE Level |
JJA |
Marked Copies |
Duplicates |
|
12.0359–1011; 289.21–306.27 |
4 |
25.033–048 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
12.0358–1004; 289.20–306.20 |
5 |
25.049–064 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
12.0358–0977; 289.20–305.32 |
6 |
25.065–080 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
12.0343–0957; 289.06–305.13 |
25.081–096 |
Not extant (21) |
2
Princeton |
||
|
12.0338–0950; 289.01–305.06 |
8 |
25.097–102,
105–114 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
[various] |
PP
19.5+ (22) |
25.162 |
Texas |
|
|
|
PP 19.5++ (23) |
25.103 |
Texas |
|
||
|
12.0907–0944; 304.01–304.37 (24) |
PP
19.6 (25) |
25.115–116 |
Texas |
|
|
|
12.0958–1570; 305.14–321.20 |
PP
20.1 (26) |
7 |
25.135–150 |
Princeton |
1
Princeton |
|
12.0951–1561; 305.07–321.12 |
PP
20.2 (27) |
8 |
25.151–161,
164–168 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
[various] |
PP
20.2+ (28) |
8 |
25.163 |
Texas |
|
|
12.0945–1549; 305.01–320.37 |
PP
20.3 (29) |
9 |
25.119–134 |
Princeton |
|
|
321.13–336.37 |
8
& 3 |
25.171–186 |
Texas |
Princeton |
|
|
13.0013, 0015; 331.13–331.14 |
PP
21.1+ (30) |
none |
|
Not
extant |
|
|
13.0220–0846; 337.01–353.12 |
3 |
25.189–204 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
13.0220–0840; 337.01–353.06 |
4 |
25.205–221 |
Buffalo |
1
Buffalo 1
Princeton |
|
|
13.0220–0834; 337.01–352.37 |
5 |
25.223–238 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
353.13–369.37 |
3
& 3 |
25.241–256 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
353.07–369.37 |
4
& 4 |
25.257–272 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
353.01–368.37 |
5
& 5 |
25.273–288 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
14.0147–0772; 370.01–386.02 |
3 |
25.291–306 |
Buffalo |
1
Princeton |
|
|
14.0147–0771; 370.01–386.01 |
4 |
25.307–322 |
Princeton |
2
Princeton |
|
|
14.0108–0730; 369.01–384.37 |
5 |
25.323–338 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
14.0771–1392; 386.02–401.37 |
4 |
25.341–356 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
402.01–417.31 |
4
& 4 |
25.359–364
& 26.003–018 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
401.01–416.29 |
5
& 5 |
25.365–371
& 26.019–034 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.0299–0750;
418.01–432.27 (31) |
4 |
26.037–052 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.0268–0754;
417.01–432.31 |
5 |
26.053–068 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.0755–1260;
433.01–448.31 |
PP
28.1.b |
6 |
26.071–086 26.087–102 |
Texas Texas |
1
Princeton |
|
15.1261–1794;
449.01–465.27 |
6 |
26.105–120 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.1261–1766;
449.01–464.30 |
7 |
26.121–136 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.1795–2327;
465.28–481.33 |
6 |
26.139–154 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.1767–2293;
465.01–480.32 |
7 |
26.155–170
26.171–186 |
Texas Buffalo
(32) |
1 Princeton |
|
|
15.2328–2849;
482.01–498.11 |
6 |
26.189–204 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.2294–2820;
481.01–497.14 |
7 |
26.205–209,
212–222 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.2449;
485.18 |
PP
31.2+ (33) |
7 |
26.210 |
Texas |
|
|
15.2806–3342;
497.01–512.31 |
8 |
26.225–240 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.2806–3342;
497.01–512.31 |
9 |
26.241–256 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.3343–3845;
513.01–529.14 |
8 |
26.259–274 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.3832–4332;
529.01–544.33 |
9 |
26.277–292 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
Text 1986; 1922 |
Gathering |
CSE Level |
JJA |
Marked Copies |
Duplicates |
|
15.4333–4871;
545.01–562.17 |
9 |
26.295–310 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.4333–4845;
545.01–561.21 |
10 |
26.311–326 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
562.18–580.07 |
9
& 3 |
26.329–331
& 27.003–018 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
15.4846–4967;
561.22–565.20 |
PP
36.2 (34) |
10 |
26.333–336
& 27.019–022 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
561.22–579.10 |
PP
36.3.a (35) PP
36.3.b |
11 & 4 11
& 4 (37) |
26.337–340
& 27.023–038 27.039–054 |
Texas
(36) Texas |
1
Princeton |
|
15.4825–4845;
561.01–561.21 |
PP 36.4 (38) |
none |
26.327 |
Texas |
|
|
16.0424–1071; 580.08–597.13 |
3 |
27.057–072 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
16.0391–1020; 579.11–595.37 |
4 |
27.079–094 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
16.0302–0390;
577.01–579.10 |
PP
37.3 (39) |
5 |
27.073–078 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
16.1071–1743; 597.13–614.34 |
3 |
27.097–112 |
Buffalo |
2
Princeton |
|
|
16.1021–1654; 596.01–612.20 |
4 |
27.113–128 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
612.21–628.15 |
4
& 3 |
27.131–146 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
16.1634–1654; 612.01–612.20 |
PP
39.2 (40) |
5 |
27.129 |
Texas |
|
|
17.0320–0831; 628.16–644.20 |
3 |
27.149–164 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
17.0832–1401; 645.01–662.07 |
3 |
27.167–182 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
17.1401–1996; 662.08–679.17 |
3 |
27.185–200 |
Texas |
2
Princeton |
|
|
679.18–696.05 |
PP
43.1.b |
3
& 5 |
27.203–218 27.219–234 |
Texas Texas |
|
|
17.2058; 681.11 |
PP
43.1.a+ (41) |
3 |
|
Not
extant |
|
|
18.0223–0877; 696.06–713.14 |
5 |
27.237–252 |
Texas |
|
|
|
18.0877–1517; 713.15–730.06 |
5 |
27.255–272 |
Texas |
|
|
|
18.1517–1611; 730.07–733.07 |
5 |
27.275–278 |
Texas |
|
|
|
18.1473–1611; 729.01–733.07 |
none |
27.279–286 |
Buffalo |
|
1. The
printer did not make the single revision Joyce indicated on this copy of the
setting and so Joyce repeats it on PP 1.3 (compare JJA 22.34 and 22.64).
2. “Placard VII” is written in the
hand of a printer on the top of p. 51 (JJA 22.201). The instruction refers to the
switch back to placards
from page proofs.
3. “Placard IX” is written in
the hand of a printer on the top of p. 67 (JJA 22.251). The instruction refers to the
switch back to placards
from page proofs.
4. Michael
Groden (comp.), James
Joyce’s Manuscripts: An Index (New York; London: Garland, 1980), p. 163.
5. The final word of text on the
proof––“I”––is boxed off on PP 5.4 and written in hand
on the first line of the next gathering, PP 6.2. With this change made, Gathering
5 ends at 080.37.
6. PP 5.4 appears on the odd-numbered pages of the Archive reproduction.
The document at Texas comprises sixteen loose pages printed on one side only.
Instead of printing a sheet on both sides, two sheets were printed on one side
only, folded and opened.
7. To judge from the line numbers, it appears that PP 6.1 does
not follow directly on from PP 5.3. However, the first page of PP 6.1 has had a
fragment of paper, measuring 13.0 x 5.7 cm, physically attached onto it (JJA 22.315).
The original first line of the setting was “Poisons the ouly [sic] cure” (U 5.483,
081.14) which does indeed follow directly from PP 5.3’s last line “Clogs the
pores or the phlegm” (U 5.483, 081.14). The fragment of paper attached to the proof
extends the material covered to include U 5.471–483, 081.01–14. These
twelve lines of text, as they appear on the attached paper, are a resetting of
the marked-up end of Placard XI, which include the corrections and additions indicated
on that placard.
There is also some additional (now illegible) pencil writing beneath this
additional proof. On 15 September 1921, Darantiere sent Joyce this additional
text to coordinate the text between Placard XI and Gathering 6.
The last four pages of the
gathering are blank.
8. PP 10.3+ is a holograph letter from Joyce to Darantiere
indicating an addition on Gathering 10. PP 10.3 was marked Bon à tirer, signed by Joyce and
countersigned by Beach. Before the material was set Joyce sent a letter to the
printers––sometime between 3–10 October (probably between
7–10 October). The letter
reads:
La page 34 bis manqué
Inserez selon dépêche
p.
146
l.
16
apres “seagoose.” et avant “Wonder”
Swans from Anna Liffey ^<come> swim^ down here
sometimes to preen themselves. No accounting
for tastes. (JJA 23.141)
The letter arrived in time and
Darantiere wrote “Attention! Montrer cette
correction à Mr [d’Avout] avant de rouler” on the relevant page of PP 10.3 (JJA 23.140). The single page, with its PP 10.3 additions, was set
and pulled and “SA”––Bernard d’Avout, perhaps?––copied Joyce’s addition onto it (JJA 23.142).
9. PP 10.4 is a single page of proof and constitutes a
resetting of the text of PP 10.3. The document is not recorded in the JJA. It is
recorded by Gabler as “Lestrygonians” level 6 (see Ulysses: A Critical and Synoptic Edition
320.22–24 for the swan addition made to it). The single page was again
pulled, incorporating the addition in “SA’s” hand and dated. This is PP 10.5 (pace the Archive) and
Gabler level 7. Cf.
Gathering 19.5 for “Cyclops” (JJA 25.97–116) and Gathering 30.2.b for “Circe” (JJA 26.171–186).
10. This single page setting does not contain an Imprimerie
but, as a reset of PP 10.4, must be PP 10.5. The Archive, perhaps following Texas’
material arrangement, places it with PP 10.3. Cf. Gabler’s treatment of PP 19.6 and PP
35.3.
11. Groden Index, p. 163 corrects the order of the settings of PP 12 in volume
23. For PP 12.1, JJA
23.259–274, the Archive reproduces the unmarked Buffalo V.C.2, claiming, “Joyce’s
corrected copy is not extant” (though see next note). Another duplicate is
unreproduced.
12. Since Groden Index the marked copy of PP 12.1 has surfaced.
It originally disappeared after Sylvia Beach gave it to Irwin Swerdlow in 1945.
She inscribed the document: “Proofs of ‘Ulysses,’ 1921, with corrections in
Joyce’s handwriting | for Erwin [sic] Swerdlow from Sylvia Beach – Paris
1945”. Swerdlow, drafted into the United States Army, participated in the
liberation of Paris in 1944. After earning a Ph.D. from Harvard he taught
English at Dillard and Dartmouth colleges. PP 12.1 is item 43 in Glenn
Horowitz, James
Joyce: Books & Manuscripts (New York: Glenn Horowitz Bookseller, 1996),
pp. 38–39, 100. The current location of the proof is not known.
13. Groden Index, p. 163 corrects the order of the settings of PP 12 in volume
23. PP 12.2, JJA
23.243–258, has two unreproduced duplicates: Buffalo
V.C.1––12b; V.C.2.
14. Groden Index, p. 163 corrects the order of the settings of PP 12 in volume
23. PP 12.3 is JJA
23.275–290.
15. Groden Index, p. 163 corrects the order of the settings of PP 12 in volume
23. PP 12.4 is JJA
23.291–302, 305–308.
16. PP 12.4+ is a holograph letter from Joyce to Darantiere
indicating an addition on Gathering 12. PP 12.4 was marked Bon à tirer, signed by Joyce and
countersigned by Beach, and sent back to Darantiere (dated 12 October). A day
or two after sending the proof Joyce sent a letter:
Ajoutez si encore possible
p 188, l 11 après “commentator,” et avant “His”
de la ligne suivante imprimez “Mr
George Bernard Shaw. Nor should we
forget Mr Frank Harris.”
pour évites des enems les nomes sont
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
FRANK HARRIS (JJA 23.303)
The letter is dated 14.X.21 (by
the printer, one assumes). It evidently arrived in time because Hirchwald
copied the correction onto the Bon à tirer-ed proof PP 12.4 (JJA 23.302). Since the page and line number
Joyce gives in his note are correct one assumes he was looking at an unmarked
duplicate of PP 12.4. Rather than mark up a second pull of the same setting (as
he did on several other occasions) he sent in the note containing his single
addition. The text of that addition, however, is problematic. He instructs the
printer to insert the name “Frank Harris” along with that of
Shaw––yet “Mr Frank Harris” has been in the text of “Scylla and
Charybdis” since at least the first setting in proof, Pl 21.i (JJA 18.177). The page and line numbers
make clear that Joyce was using a PP 12.4 duplicate (the three earlier settings
of Gathering 12 have Harris on either p. 187 or l. 10 of p.
188)––it seems, however, that either he misread the document or he is
taking particular pains that the names are spelt correctly.
17. PP 13.4+ is a holograph letter from Joyce to Darantiere
indicating a number of revisions and additions on Gatherings 9, 11 and 13. PP
13.4 was marked Bon
à tirer, signed by Joyce and countersigned by Beach. While the material was
in transit (PP 13.4 is dated 12 October) Joyce sent a letter to the printers a
day or two before 11 October. Letter reads:
Changements à faire si les pages indiquées
ne sont pas déjà tirées.
p.
196, l 2 au lieu de “stated” imprimez “capped”
p
162, l 10 après la parole “foodlift” ajoutez avant
le point “across his stained square of
newspaper.”
p.
13^<1>2^, l 26 au lieu de “Gray” mettez “Grey” (JJA 23.363)
The letter is dated “11.X.21” (by
the printer, one assumes). Its three instructions refer to three different
gatherings (for “Scylla and Charybdis”; “Lestrygonians” and “Aeolus”).
1. The marked-up PP 13.4 was
received by the printers by 12 October. The change of “stated” to “capped” in
“Buck Mulligan stated” was made on this proof by one of the printers.
2. The second instruction refers
to PP 11.4 which Joyce and Beach had signed off between 7–11 October. A further
setting was made, PP 11.5, to which Hirchwald added in Joyce’s addition by hand
(JJA 23.226).
The Imprimerie date is 12 October and the pull was sent to Joyce and Beach for
a second Bon à
tirer. The final printer’s date on the document is 14 October.
3. The third instruction refers
to Gathering 9. Several weeks earlier, in late August, Joyce had made an
addition on Pl
14.ii for the printer: “Gregor Gray made the design for it” (JJA 18.50).
The October letter corrects “Gray” to “Grey,” the surname of an artist listed
in Thom’s 1904––Don Gifford with
Robert J. Seidman “Ulysses” Annotated: Notes for James Joyce’s “Ulysses.” 2nd ed.,
rev. and enl. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p.
142––a change described as an authorial correction or revision at ‘a6’ of ‘a2’ in Gabler notation.
PP 9.3 had already been marked Bon à tirer, returned and reset by 7 October. Rather than pull the
gathering again and send it out to Joyce, the correction was made on this same
document by a printer (JJA 23.092). Joyce obviously did not have PP 9.3 to hand when he
wrote the note––the whole grounds of his writing to
Darantiere––but he spotted the flaw while looking at PP 9.1. “Gray”
appears on page 131, line 26 of the first setting of Gathering 9 (JJA 23.059).
Perhaps it was then that he recalled the second setting because the change in
page number from 131 to 132 matches with the appearance of “Gray” on PP 9.2
(though there it is on line 2 of page 132: JJA 23.076). One would imagine PP 9.2 was
readily available when Joyce was writing the note––either the
marked copy, assuming the ‘used up’ marked proofs were being returned to him,
or a duplicate. Perhaps this second setting was simply overlooked.
18. The
first setting of “Cyclops” Placard 37 contains the draft text of some
material for this setting of Gathering 17. In the upper border of the third
page of the placard,
Joyce’s draft of two elements appears (JJA 19.205). The second of these has not been
identified, but the first is Joyce’s sketch for “Siopold” (now U 11.0751).
Lionel
Leopold
Simon <Richsiopold> Siopold
Richie
The second exclamation was added to “Sirens” on PP
17.1––at the same time Joyce was working on the placards of
“Cyclops” (i.e. early October 1921). The relevant page of the “Sirens” proof is
not reproduced in the Archive as it forms part of the Rosenbach Foundation’s holdings.
See following note.
19. Gathering 17.1 is divided between Buffalo and the
Rosenbach Foundation. Pp. 257–260 and 269–272 are at Buffalo. Pp.
261–268 are at the Rosenbach Foundation. The Archive reproduces the unmarked pages of
a duplicate in place of the Rosenbach portion (JJA 24.189–196). Page 266 of the
marked proof (now the text of U 11.0791–0829) contains, as well as Joyce’s additions, a
dedication written by Beach “a page proof […] for Sylvia with love from her
aunt Sylvia” and an appended screed with Joyce’s signature. The page is
reproduced in Michael Barsanti,
“Ulysses” in
Hand: The Rosenbach Manuscript (Philadelphia: Rosenbach Museum &
Library, 2000), p. 41.
20. This is a duplicate of Gathering 17.1 p. 259 only.
21. It is not known if there was a marked set of this setting
of Gathering 19 because no revisions or additions were made at this level.
22. PP 19.5+ is the first leaf of a two-page holograph letter
Hirchwald sent to Joyce. He writes requesting confirmation on a number of
points in PP 19.5 (the first page) and PP 20.2 (the second page: see below).
The letter, erroneously dated 10 October, was sent to Joyce with the two
fifth-setting documents. The first page of the letter reads (with Joyce’s
responses in bold):
289, l. 4. jivic rays? Yes
289, half-page:
devanic circles? Yes
290, l5
slidder off? Yes
291.––paragr
in italics: Is the
little
i intentional? Is the punctu-
ation
as it should be? Yes
293, l. 8
golloped (Yes)
it down or galloped?
294, bottom ^<page> line^ –
no î at hand.
294, l. 17:
broadsheet is one word? Yes
297, l. 21.
Maxwell ffrenchmullan
double
or single f? double: ff (minuscules)
304, 2nd paragr.
Should
the punctuation be left
as it stands? Would it not be better
to put a comma between the names
and the titles (William Delany, S. J.) and